By J. W. Burrow
The assumption of a 'Whig interpretation' of English heritage comprises the 2 basic notions of development and continuity. the previous made it attainable to learn English background as a 'success story', the latter counseled a realistic, gradualist political variety because the origin of English freedom. Dr Burrow's ebook discover those rules, and the tensions among them in reviews of 4 significant Victorian historians: Macaulay, Stubbs, Freeman and (as whatever of an anti kind) Froude. It analyses their works by way of their rhetorical suggestiveness in addition to their particular arguments, and makes an attempt to put them of their cultural and historiographical context. In doing so, the ebook additionally seeks to set up the importance for the Victorians of 3 nice crises of English historical past - the Norman conquest, the reformation and the revolution of the 17th century - and the character and bounds of the self-confidence they have been in a position to derive from the nationwide previous. The publication will curiosity scholars and lecturers engaged on nineteenth-century English historical past, literature or social and political inspiration, the historical past of principles, and criminal and constitutional historical past. it is going to even be of price to the overall reader drawn to Victorian literature and cultural heritage.
Read Online or Download A Liberal Descent: Victorian historians and the English past PDF
Similar political philosophy books
Nation Punishment offers a brand new method of the query of the ethical justification of punishment via the kingdom. Nicola Lacey makes a speciality of the speculation of punishment within the context of alternative political questions resembling the character of political legal responsibility and the functionality and scope of legal legislation. Arguing that no convincing set of justifying purposes has to date been produced, Lacey places ahead a concept of punishments which locations the values of the neighborhood at its heart.
Historians of the French Revolution used to take with no consideration what used to be additionally noticeable to its modern observers—that the Revolution was once because of the novel principles of the Enlightenment. but in contemporary a long time students have argued that the Revolution was once caused by way of social forces, politics, economics, or culture—almost whatever yet summary notions like liberty or equality.
Opus Dei, l’« œuvre de Dieu » est l’expression qui désigne tout au lengthy de l’histoire de l’Église catholique los angeles liturgie, c’est-à-dire l’office du prêtre à qui incombe le « ministère du mystère ». Cette œuvre n’est-elle pas, en apparence, ce qu’il y a de plus séparé des pratiques qui régissent los angeles vie des individus et des sociétés modernes ?
In the course of the 20th century, the view that assertions and norms are legitimate insofar as they reply to rules self sufficient of all neighborhood and temporal contexts got here lower than assault from views: the fancy of translation and the intersubjective structure of the self, understood as conscious of reputation.
Additional info for A Liberal Descent: Victorian historians and the English past
16 The leading assumption of what Dugald Stewart called 'conjectural history' and which in the nineteenth century came to be called 'the Comparative Method'17 is that different societies at different times may be at essentially the same stage of social development, while societies co-existing in time may represent 'earlier' or 'later' stages respectively. In Macaulay's History it is a standard point of reference, a conceptual pigeonhole almost as much frequented by him as historical reminiscence, Baconian induction, or assertion of the unique intellectual, social and economic progress of Europe since the sixteenth century.
8 THE WHIG fanaticism of the Parliamentary opposition than to any abiding 'spirit of liberty' in the constitution. Progress and the constitution: the Whig compromise In the Whig historians of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Millar and Brodie, and the English, Fox, Hallam and Russell, it is tempting to see these emphases continued; Scottish cosmopolitanism set against English nationalism, the Scottish conception of the growth of liberty as part of the history of civilisation against an English Burkean conception of the English people weaving the fabric of a free constitution, spider-like, out of its own entrails.
If the solution did not answer, it must be because someone was wilfully rejecting it, just as the kindred belief that the Bible, read with a pure heart and mind, was of unequivocal import, tended to deny to theological opponents any claim to good intentions. 40 It was an historiographical tradition not rich in a sense of history's tragic ironies. But despite this continuing intransigence it was found in the long run impossible to argue that the view held of English constitutional history by the seventeenth-century Parliamentarians and common lawyers was literally correct.